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Buchanan (often called ''Buck-anan'' by his contemporaries) was a popular and experienced state politician and a successful attorney before his presidency.<ref>Thomas Bailey, Lizabeth Chen and David Kennedy. The American Pageant. 13th Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company. New York: 2006, p. 415</ref> He represented Pennsylvania in the U.S. [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] and later the [[United States Senate|Senate]], and served as [[United States Ambassador to Russia|Minister to Russia]] under President [[Andrew Jackson]]. He also was [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] under President [[James K. Polk]]. After turning down an offer for an appointment to the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]], President [[Franklin Pierce]] appointed him [[United States Ambassador to the United Kingdom|Minister to the United Kingdom]], in which capacity he helped draft the controversial [[Ostend Manifesto]].
After unsuccessfully seeking the Democratic presidential nomination in 1844, 1848, and 1852, "Old Buck" was nominated in the [[United States presidential election, 1856|1856 election]]. Throughout most of [[Franklin Pierce]]'s term he was stationed in London as a Minister to
When he left office, popular opinion had turned against him, and the Democratic Party had split in two. Buchanan had once aspired to a presidency that would rank in history with that of
==Early life==
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Buchanan's goal was the legal admission of Kansas to the United States and the end of dueling governments in the territory. He threw the support of his administration behind congressional approval of the proslavery Lecompton Constitution. Senator [[Stephen A. Douglas]], leader of the Democrats in the Senate, denounced Lecompton and the battle over Kansas escalated into a battle over the control of the Democratic Party. Buchanan made every effort, legal or not, to defeat Douglas and secure Congressional approval for Kansas statehood, offering favors, patronage appointments and even cash in exchange for votes. The Lecompton bill passed through the House, but it was blocked by Douglas. Congress voted to call a new vote on the Lecompton Constitution, a move which infuriated Southerners. Buchanan and Douglas engaged in an all-out struggle for control of the Democratic party in 1857–60, with Buchanan using his patronage powers and Douglas rallying the popular base. Douglas emerged victorious, and Buchanan was reduced to a narrow base of southern supporters.<ref>Klein (1962), pp 286-299</ref><ref>Potter, ''The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861'' (1976) pp 297-327</ref>
===Buchanan's polticial views===
[[File:Buchanan Cabinet.jpg|thumb|right|''President Buchanan and his Cabinet''<br />From left to right: [[Jacob Thompson]], [[Lewis Cass]], [[John B. Floyd]], James Buchanan, [[Howell Cobb]], [[Isaac Toucey]], [[Joseph Holt]] and [[Jeremiah S. Black]], (c. 1859)]]
Buchanan considered the essence of good self-government to be founded on ''restraint''. The constitution he considered to be "...restraints, imposed not by arbitrary authority, but by the people upon themselves and their representatives... In an enlarged view, the people's interests may seem identical, but "to the eye of local and sectional prejudice, they always appear to be conflicting... and the jealousies that will perpetually arise can be repressed only by the mutual forbearance which pervades the constitution."<ref>[[#Klein|Klein (1962)]], p 143.</ref>
One of the greatest issues of the day was tariffs. Buchanan condemned both free trade and prohibitive tariffs, since either would benefit one section of the country to the detriment of the other. As the Senator from Pennsylvania, he thought: "I am viewed as the strongest advocate of protection in other states, whilst I am denounced as its enemy in Pennsylvania."<ref>[[#Klein|Klein (1962)]], p 144.</ref>
Buchanan, like many of his time, was torn between his desire to expand the country for the benefit of all and his insistence on guaranteeing to the people settling the expanded areas their rights, including slavery. On territorial expansion, he said, "What, sir! Prevent the people from crossing the Rocky Mountains? You might just as well command the Niagara not to flow. We must fulfill our destiny."<ref name="klein147">[[#Klein|Klein (1962)]], p 147.</ref> On the resulting spread of slavery, through unconditional expansion, he stated: "I feel a strong repugnance by any act of mine to extend the present limits of the Union over a new slave-holding territory." For instance, he hoped the acquisition of Texas would "be the means of limiting, not enlarging, the dominion of slavery."<ref name="klein147"/>
Nevertheless, in deference to the intentions of the typical slaveholder, he was quick to provide the benefit of much doubt. In his third annual message Buchanan claimed that the slaves were "treated with kindness and humanity...Both the philanthropy and the self-interest of the master have combined to produce this humane result".<ref>http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/speeches/detail/3734</ref>
Historian Kenneth Stampp wrote: "Shortly after his election, he assured a southern Senator that the "great object" of his administration would be "to arrest, if possible, the agitation of the Slavery question in the North and to destroy sectional parties. Should a kind [[Divine Providence|Providence]] enable me to succeed in my efforts to restore harmony to the Union, I shall feel that I have not lived in vain." In the northern anti-slavery idiom of his day, Buchanan was often considered a "[[doughface]]", a northern man with southern principles.<ref>Stampp (1990) p. 48.</ref>
The President, however, also felt that "this question of domestic slavery is the weak point in our institutions, touch this question seriously...and the Union is from that moment dissolved. Although in Pennsylvania we are all opposed to slavery in the abstract, we can never violate the constitutional compact we have with our sister states. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the constitution it is their own question; and there let it remain."<ref name="Klein150">[[#Klein|Klein (1962)]], p 150.</ref>
Buchanan was irked that the abolitionists were preventing the solution to the slavery problem. He stated, "Before [the abolitionists] commenced this agitation, a very large and growing party existed in several of the slave states in favor of the gradual abolition of slavery; and now not a voice is heard there in support of such a measure. The abolitionists have postponed the emancipation of the slaves in three or four states for at least half a century."<ref name="Klein150" />
Buchanan's disinterest in educational issues was demonstrated by his veto of a bill passed by Congress to create more colleges, for he believed that "there were already too many educated people."<ref>Hakim, Joy. ''The New Nation: 1789-1850 A History of US Book 4''.</ref> In fact, the bill he vetoed was a ruse for a federal land donation act designed to benefit Rep. John Covode's railroad company, and fashioned to appear as a land grant for new agricultural colleges.<ref>[[#Klein|Klein (1962)]], p 338.</ref>
Near the end of his administration he had a serious exchange with the Rev. William Paxton. After what Paxton described as quite a probative discussion, Buchanan said, " Well, sir... I hope I am a Christian. I have much of the experience you have described, and as soon as I retire, I will unite with the Presbyterian Church."
Paxton asked why he delayed, to which he replied, "I must delay for the honor of religion. If I were to unite with the church now, they would say 'hypocrite' from Maine to Georgia."<ref>[[#Klein|Klein (1962)]], pp 349-350.</ref>
===Panic of 1857===
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